The fallout of strategic foul play over COVID-19 by the Trump administration in both Syria and Iran became apparent in the recent meeting between President Bashar Al Assad and Iranian Foreign Minister Javad Zarif which took place in Damascus. President Assad expressed his condolences and deep sorrow over the lives lost in Iran and attributed the poor global response and dire humanitarian situation in the region to the Trump administration's refusal to waive sanctions on both states.

This denunciation by both Iran and Syria hints at future policy quagmires which the international community confronts in the Middle East over COVID-19 in states under sanctions as the Trump administration continues to turn a blind eye.

Historically, American strategic failings in the Middle East have had broad implications for peace and stability in the region. Both Syria and Iran share a fraternal bond which is based on compatibility of foreign policy objectives, aversion to Israeli policies in Palestinian territories as well as defiance of Western intervention towards regime change.

This meeting in Damascus highlights the criminal shortcomings of the United States in providing humanitarian assistance to sanctioned countries amid the COVID-19 pandemic, which is contrary to the earlier claim by U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo that humanitarian supplies were exempted from sanctions imposed on Iran. In truth, U.S. sanctions have continued unabated since the 2015 abandonment of the multilateral nuclear deal aimed at limiting Iran's nuclear program with no letup whatsoever.

American assistance and involvement in Middle Eastern affairs has also contributed to the narrative of policies being hypocritical and politicized. No more is this evident than in Syria, where thousands of civilians continue to bear the brunt of a nearly nine-year-long civil war resulting in mass casualties and a devastated economy.

The spillover effects of the war include the presence of refugee camps as potential reservoirs of the coronavirus, as well as the migrant crisis in Europe. Adding to this is the fact that Iran is second to Turkey in the number of COVID-19 infections in the Middle East, where the rise in the casualty tolls domestically was compounded by the dual issues of a crippled medical infrastructure and the pernicious economic effects of American sanctions.

The assassination of Qasim Soleimani in a drone strike by the United States in Iraq prior to the pandemic, also heightened tensions between Tehran and Washington and contributed to pervasive anti-American sentiment which had been brewing since the landmark JCPOA nuclear deal was scrapped. Iran has attempted to weaken American influence in the region by employing proxies such as Hezbollah and providing financial support to Houthi rebels against Saudi Arabia in Yemen.

This massive trust deficit and conflicting objectives has meant that any point of convergence by placating Tehran or coaxing it to retract from its current policies, required a comprehensive, post COVID-19 humanitarian strategy which provides relief to the Iranian population which the Trump administration had failed to employ.

Similar dynamics had and continue to engulf Syria to date. Rival factions, militias, terrorist groups and forces loyal to the Bashar Al Assad regime are embroiled in a civil war which has left thousands of civilians stranded, impoverished and displaced. The constant push for regime change in the country and evidence of tacit American support to rival factions in the Syrian Civil War have resulted in greater acrimony directed at successive U.S. administrations by the Bashar Al Assad regime.

The U.S. State Department has admitted that the Syrian regime was being deprived of the resources it needed to target civilians, which has contributed to the presence of pervasive poverty in the war-struck country, as 39 COVID-19 cases have been reported. Syria has attempted to reach out to traditional allies to diffuse the crisis with the establishment of safe zones in response.

The smooth flow of humanitarian assistance in conflict zones in the Middle East and across the globe hinges on the implementation of ceasefires as well. Ground realities continue to be to the contrary, as Israel's recent bulldozing of a hospital as well as discrimination against the population in the Palestinian territories over preventive measures, clearly demonstrates. Lack of condemnation from Washington or pressure to resolve conflicts becomes a flash point which breeds mistrust from regional players such as Syria and Iran.

Similar, plausible deniability also exists on the crisis in Yemen, with the presence of famine and cholera resulting in a dire humanitarian crisis in one of the region's poorest countries. In addition, the Middle East currently confronts a multitude of threats amid the pandemic, which include Iranian-sponsored militias in Syria and pilgrims which have a direct impact on the spread of the contagion. Disregard for humanitarian assistance in such pressing times only promotes greater fissures in an already complicated environment.

This meeting in Damascus can thus be viewed as a byproduct of the lackadaisical approach that various Western countries such as the United States have adopted in dealing with Syria and Iran. This expression of joint solidarity between both countries acts as a deterrent to flawed policymaking by Washington. President Bashar Al Assad's claim that the manner in which the West has dealt with COVID-19 is nothing short of a moral failure makes the denunciation of the United States and its Western allies in Damascus completely appropriate.