Deng Xiaoping's reforms were simple. Open China to international trade, decollectivize agriculture and begin to denationalize the urban sector. His often cited phrase, "search for the next stepping stone to cross the river", was indicative of his idea that there was no longer the need for such rigid central planning in the Chinese economy.

Top: A memorial boat for the First National Congress of the CPC in Jiaxing. The last day's meeting was forced to move from Shanghai to a boat on the South Lake of neighboring Zhejiang province. Bottom left: The national flag is first raised on Tian'anmen Square in Beijing on Oct 1, 1949, upon the formal announcement that the People's Republic of China had been founded. Bottom right: Deng Xiaoping during his trip to southern China in 1992, a landmark visit considered initiating the second wave of opening-up. [File Photos]

"They were actually just following common sense and relaxing the rules a bit," says Deng. "This soul-searching initiated by Deng Xiaoping offered a choice between dogmatism and pragmatism, and they chose pragmatism."

Deng Xiaoping, who died in 1997, was never to witness the truly remarkable changes his "stepping stone" reforms have led to in the last 15 years. One of the greater leaps in this period was China's eventual admission to the World Trade Organization (WTO) in 2001.

"Deng Xiaoping started this whole process when he said: 'We want peace'," says Kent Deng. "Looking back now, this is an incredibly farsighted view, as it means China would be a friend of the capitalist West. We were no longer a threat. Perhaps only Deng could do this, as he spent five years in France. For him, capitalism wouldn't have been so bad.

"The CPC is now controlled by technocrats, who are really very practical people. They are well educated, often bilingual. They have this extra, external dimension, a different outlook on the world and outlook for China. They are more flexible and more practical."

This flexibility has been crucial as the CPC has transformed from a domestic political party, to an organization with a genuine impact on global affairs. Today reform within the CPC makes international news, and has far-reaching consequences for the rest of the world.

"Whatever happens in China has global implications now - often instantly," says Richard McGregor, author of The Party, a study of the inner workings of the CPC. "Any country the size of China is going to have an impact that the world has to accommodate.

"There is a lot of debate in China as to what will come next: How China invests around the world, how the country will continue to reform."

How the Party has changed in the 21st century, and how it will continue to adapt to the demands of governing a modern market economy is central to any debate on the future of China. Martin Schulz, chairman of the Group of the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats in the European Parliament, has seen the CPC gradually move toward other global models of reform, while maintaining a distinctly Chinese approach.

"My impression is that the CPC is becoming more open," says Schulz. "Of course, there are some differences between European social democracies and the CPC. The CPC is trying to develop a very specific Chinese model under very specific circumstances.

"The Party has been adapting its role at the beginning of the 21st century to the needs of the modernized society of China of today. I think there are very interesting and encouraging developments in the CPC."

Reforms, particularly those overseen by Deng Xiaoping and then Jiang Zemin, have gone a long way to turning the CPC into a party as interested in overseeing the development of private industry in China, as one managing State enterprise.

A large proportion of State-run monopolies were sold off during the late 1990s and early 2000s to private investors. Other sectors such as banking were dramatically reformed. By 2005, the domestic private sector contributed more than 50 percent of GDP for the first time ever.

"The main reason that China's economy has been developing at such a high speed is that in the 1970s and later, the CPC and the government agreed on the need for small and big private businesses. The CPC understood that without private businesses, there would be no economic growth," says Justas Pankauskas, vice-chairman of the Lithuanian Social Democratic Party.

Adds Karl Duffek, member of Social Democratic Party of Austria and director of Austrian Renner-Institute: "The most important change engineered by the CPC is the change of economic system; there is a huge difference between how the economy was managed decades ago and how it is managed today. This is part of the huge success of the country.

"There is the growing awareness of problems that go hand in hand with this process. For example, the environmental problems and also the social problems are connected with the move of many, many people from the countryside into the towns and the growth of the towns. There is the awareness and the willingness to tackle these problems. This is the most impressive change that I encountered."

It is clear the CPC is forging ahead with its own ideas, as it has throughout its 90-year history. "You must remember that all reform in China is basically within the Party," says McGregor. "It is a pipedream (to think of) to transplant Western models onto China."

Kent Deng at the LSE agrees: "For some time now we have seen a convergent trend politically, economically and ideologically to the rest of the world. Ending China's ideological isolation is a major factor that has driven this change."

With a new leadership set to assume control of the Party next year, there is little doubt that the CPC will continue to evolve as China itself changes - both domestically and within the global community.

Meng Jing in Beijing contributed to this story.

(China Daily 06/27/2011 page7)