Editorial: China's defense strategy threat-free
( 2002-08-12 08:27) (10)
Given China's past glory as the "world center" for several dynasties and its subsequent fall, it is only natural that other countries are highly interested in China's present-day growth miracle. However, despite the resurgence, there is no need for countries to worry excessively about China's progress.
To exaggerate or play down the nation's advancement, they often fabricate sensational fallacies, ranging from the "China threat" theory to the "China collapse" prophecy.
The country's military modernization drive, in particular, has become a recent target for some China-haters. They spread rumours about China's alleged military menace to others.
It is not strange for people to assume that a strong country is likely to invade a weak one. From that perspective, there is a reason for countries to worry about military development by their neighbours.
But whether one country will invade another is actually decided by its military strategic goals and not its military strength, according to Institute of International Studies director Yan Xuetong, at Tsinghua University.
Anyone with a fair grip on China's history would instantly eliminate any thoughts that it would bully others with force.
Even during the Han (206 BC-AD 220) and Tang (AD 618-907) dynasties, its military heyday, China never instigated a war.
Ancient China used intermarriage and tribute-presenting practices with vassal states so it could live in harmony with nearby regions.
The country got involved in several large-scale wars with neighbouring states, but only to defend itself.
And that has been the case for the New China since its foundation in 1949.
To maintain its hard-won independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity, the New China has had to rise up against foreign aggression.
But shortly after winning the war, China immediately withdrew troops into its own territory.
As a country that once suffered bitterly from enormous and prolonged imperialist aggression during the Qing Dynasty (1644-1911), China has never intended to invade other countries.
"China's military goals have consistently been to safeguard its sovereignty and territorial integrity, instead of territorial expansion," Yan said.
All China's military development strategies have been striving for this goal.
The day after China developed nuclear weapons it made a solemn commitment to the world that it would not be the first to use nuclear weapons and would never use the weapons against non-nuclear nations.
The United States, the former Soviet Union, China, France and Britain, which also have nuclear capabilities, have never made such a commitment and China's position has been highly praised by all peace-loving people.
As China's military modernization effort aims to safeguard its sovereignty and avoid foreign interference in its own affairs, it has been developed in line with a defensive framework.
"China has never held an ambition to pursue interests across the world by military means and it has never dispatched its military personnel to overseas regions," Yan said.
China's defensive military strategy has also been widely understood and accepted by a number of its neighbours.
"Both China's valuable aid to the 1997 economic crisis-stricken Southeast Asian countries and its efforts to promote a free trade zone with ASEAN members have helped disperse their worries about China's military strategy," Yan said.
Against the backdrop of economic globalization, China's military strategy mainly serves to create a favorable environment for its economic modernization.
"As the world's largest developing country yet to fulfill its final national reunification, China, however, has every reason to develop necessary military means to cope with various uncertain factors," said Zhang Lili, a professor on China foreign policy studies at the Foreign Affairs College.
Since the September 11 terrorist attacks on the United States and the following anti-terror campaign, new uncertainties in regional security increased.
In the Pentagon-released Nuclear Posture Review early this year, the United States listed China as one of its potential nuclear strike targets.
The United States wants to deploy the National Missile Defence shield to effectively carry out so-called "pre-emptive actions," positioning the world at the heel of a new nuclear arms race.
US military presence in Central Asia has already directly extended its influence closer to China's western regions, adding new variables to China's western development strategy.
Meanwhile, eager to realize its dream of becoming a military power, Japan has broken through the "no use of forces" clause contained in its post-war Pacific Constitution.
Japan's unveiled ambition for nuclear weapons and its efforts for military escalation have already stirred severe unrest in Asia and will inevitably produce instability in the East China Sea.
In the subcontinent, a generation-long Kashmir dispute brought nuclear rivals India and Pakistan to the brink of war, leading to uncertainties near China's southern border.
Much worse, Taiwan separatists have never ceased their efforts to split the island from the motherland.
US military sales to Taiwan have driven the island's independence ambition and seriously hampered the Cross-Straits reunification talks.
And some hawkish US conservatives have never given up their attempts to upgrade US-Taiwan relations and even militarily intervene in the Taiwan Straits.
"To deal with various incidents inside and outside its borders, China has to develop an effective military force," Zhang said.
It is only natural then for China to moderately increase its military spending.
"Compared with some surrounding countries, China, however, does not gain the upper hand over weaponry," Zhang said.
China's military budget for 2002 is only US$20 billion, less than one-thirtieth of the United States and also much less compared to Japan.
"China develops limited military capability and it is completely for the self-defensive purpose. And there is a covert attempt behind 'China threat' dissemination," Zhang said.
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