日批在线视频_内射毛片内射国产夫妻_亚洲三级小视频_在线观看亚洲大片短视频_女性向h片资源在线观看_亚洲最大网

'Occupy' expansion and consequences

Updated: 2013-06-20 06:42

By Kam Man-Fung(HK Edition)

  Print Mail Large Medium  Small

The organizers of "Occupy Central" held their "Deliberation Day" on June 9 with nearly 700 people attending, but some 600 of them were supporters of the illegal campaign and fewer than 100 are local residents randomly selected by the organizers. Academically speaking, the gathering is so far away from the original Deliberation Day concept put forward by American scholars James Fishkin and Bruce Ackerman it is more a strategic meeting of "Occupy" advocates than anything else.

Fake as it is, the so-called Deliberation Day should not be brushed aside as a useless knockoff, because the decisions reached at the meeting are strategic moves to be taken when the illegal campaign gets underway. Particularly noteworthy is the plan to turn it from a "fan club" into a citywide popular movement. Make no mistake about it: such a development is only natural, given the fact that "Occupy" was born a social movement focused on an issue that concerns all Hong Kong society and the change is only quantitative, not qualitative.

"Occupy" relies on two factors to become a citywide popular movement and win much greater public support than it has now. One is the government plan for the 2017 Chief Executive (CE) Election by universal suffrage and the other is what the SAR government and pro-establishment camp have to say about "Occupy". So far the performers in the drama are just a few activists and some prominent opposition political figures.

In Hong Kong, where abiding by the law is a core value, the pro-establishment parties are of course against "Occupy", while most non-partisan citizens are also opposed to it. Even many people who voted for opposition candidates in elections have considerable reservations about seeking universal suffrage by illegal means, especially when the government has yet to present its 2017 CE Election by universal suffrage draft plan for public consultation. Therefore it could be an opportunity for the opposition camp to kick their propaganda drive to popularize "Occupy" into high gear when the government unveils its plan for the 2017 CE Election by universal suffrage.

Meanwhile, comments by the SAR government and pro-establishment parties regarding "Occupy" are testing Hong Kong residents' judgment as well. Given CE Leung Chun-ying's relatively low rate of public approval these days, everything he does and every word he says can easily annoy some people. The pro-establishment parties on the other hand have their own dilemma to deal with. Now that the opposition camp has practically declared war on the SAR government, the pro-establishment side can avoid making mistakes by keeping silent, but can lose its say on the issue and become increasingly passive. Also, the government may lose another battle against the opposition if it sticks to stressing "Occupy" is illegal but cannot present a complete analysis of its theoretical flaws regarding universal suffrage.

The opposition camp understands "Occupy" needs more time to foment in order to expand, which means the longer the government takes to announce its plan for the next stage of constitutional reform the more time it is giving the opposition. If the campaign gets to spread out, the economy may not be hit immediately, but the local society will no doubt be even more divided. Past experiences tell us the supporters of the opposing sides became even more hostile toward each other after each conflict while the neutral citizens felt disappointed by the government for failure to prevent the incident from flaring up. More importantly, the central authorities may be forced to reassess Hong Kong's political situation and how their attitude toward Hong Kong may become less clear in the future. If Beijing tightens its Hong Kong policies in response to "Occupy" it will not be a good thing for either side.

The development of "Occupy" is different from any social movement we have seen before. Compared with those against the construction of the high-speed railway and the Northeastern New Territories development plan it has already whipped up popular angst before a detailed plan is published. This is apparently due to the opposition and its supporters' distrust for the central government, which stems from historical causes as well as differences between the political cultures of Hong Kong and the mainland. The opposition's successful propaganda over the years also deserves some credit for it. Anyway, if "Occupy" is not handled properly the relations between the central government and Hong Kong's opposition camp will enter an "ice age" while the SAR government's administration will suffer greater obstacles.

The author is a committee member of the Hong Kong Association of Young Commentators.

(HK Edition 06/20/2013 page9)

主站蜘蛛池模板: 天堂婷婷 | 污黄视频在线观看 | 色噜噜日韩精品欧美一区二区 | 精品欧美激情精品一区 | 国产专区在线播放 | 97在线视频观看 | 91精品国产综合久久福利 | 欧美精品1区 | 国产一区二区高清视频 | 亚洲综合在线观看视频 | 亚州av网 | 中文字幕第8页 | 国产精品性 | 欧美日韩国产91 | 亚洲天堂日韩av | 97在线精品视频 | 成人午夜小视频 | 老牛影视av一区二区在线观看 | 免费在线一级片 | 日韩免费视频一区二区视频在线观看 | 琪琪色影音先锋 | 黄色大片免费网站 | 91免费看黄 | 成人av影视 | 中文字幕永久在线观看 | 激情丁香六月 | 久久免费资源 | 91亚洲精| 日韩精品免费一区二区在线观看 | 欧洲av网站| 亚洲精品视频在线 | 色播在线视频 | 中文字幕综合网 | 日韩在线精品强乱中文字幕 | 成人福利视频在线观看 | 国产精品成| 久久精品一级片 | 一级做a爱片久久毛片 | 欧美三级在线 | 精品国产大片大片大片 | 伊人网综合网 |