As the world prepares to commemorate the 70th anniversary of the victory against fascist forces in World War II and the triumph of the Chinese people in the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression (1937-45), the spotlight will be on former fascist powers, especially Japan, and their attitude toward their war crimes.

In a statement issued on Aug 15, 1995, half a century after the end of WWII, then Japanese prime minister Tomiichi Murayama expressed deep remorse over Japan's wartime invasion of and atrocities committed on neighboring countries. He said mutual trust and understanding between Japan and its Asian neighbors were vital to forge a stable Asia-Pacific region and a peaceful world.

Moreover, Murayama admitted that Japan's decision to wage a series of wars was wrong, which caused nothing but misery to the people in the victim countries, including China and the Republic of Korea.

Murayama's apology, known as the "Murayama Statement", not only helped improve Japan's relations with its neighbors, but also set a good example for his successors to follow.

But even before taking office for the second time as Japan's prime minister at the end of 2012, Shinzo Abe began his attempt to whitewash his country's history of war crimes.

To garner support for his Liberal Democratic Party in the 2012 election, Abe declared in his election manifesto that, if elected, he would improve standards for textbook censorship by revising the clauses that require Japan to respect the sentiments of its Asian neighbors. His move was an open challenge to Kiichi Miyazawa, who as Japan's chief cabinet secretary in 1982 had pushed for the implementation of the clauses.

The latest "revision" made by Japan's Ministry of Education in early 2014 gives Tokyo more freedom and maneuvering room to censor textbooks. In particular, the newly added terms not only confound Japan's modern history, but also highlight the authority of official explanations in writing (or rewriting) history textbooks. It is thus expected that Japanese middle school students will be indoctrinated in beautified Japanese history that denies the country's war crimes.

But the legacies of Miyazawa and Murayama are not the only ones that Abe has challenged. He has also announced that he would issue a "statement" on Aug 15 that many fear could overturn many, if not all, peace-loving promises made by his predecessors. After hinting that his statement may deviate from former Japanese chief cabinet secretary Yohei Kono's apology over "comfort women" (women and girls forced into sexual slavery by the Imperial Japanese Army before and during WWII), Abe was widely criticized by peace lovers at home and abroad. But that did not stop him from summoning a host of Japanese scholars in February to outline his August speech and go his own way.

Yet the war anniversary is an opportunity for Abe to befriend the neighbors and the world. As much as he hates to, Abe is expected to confess that Japan did inflict immense sufferings on neighboring countries in Asia such as China and the ROK by invading and colonizing them, because the entire world would be closely watching his statement and moves.

Moreover, the Abe statement should highlight the lessons Japan has learnt in the past century and evaluate the country's postwar pacifism, economic development and global contribution. It should also review Japan's reconciliation with Europe, the United States, Australia and especially the Asian neighbors that it invaded and occupied in the early part of the last century. Besides, it should mention Japan's plans for global development.

Shinichi Kitaoka, former Japanese ambassador to the United Nations and a key adviser to Abe, said on March 9 that he hopes the prime minister to admit Japan's aggression in his speech, just like the vast majority of Japanese historians do. Therefore, as a reassessment of Japan's postwar performance, the Abe statement will reveal not only Abe's real attitude toward history, but also the direction in which he will lead Japan.

The author is a researcher in Japan studies at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences.