Although the United States is implementing a comprehensive competition strategy against China, cooperation between the two sides is slowly resuming. A new normal can more accurately and comprehensively sum up the current development trend of Sino-US relations, featuring three specific characteristics.

The first is comprehensive competition. From some reports issued by the US, it is not difficult to see that the US has launched all-round (that is with the full involvement of government and society) suppression of China.

The second is selective cooperation. In the past, China-US cooperation covered a wide range of areas, with the logic of cooperation mainly based on consideration of the absolute benefits. Now, Sino-US cooperation has undergone an obvious change, both in terms of the choice of cooperation fields and consideration of the benefits to be gained from cooperation. Manifested in selective cooperation based on responsibility and cost sharing, such as cooperation in the field of climate change and in the joint combat against drug crimes in China's neighboring areas, the logic of such cooperation is more concerned about the relative benefits.

The third is finite confrontation. Although the US has a wealth of tools to employ in its China policy, it is still very cautious in its use of policy tools involving China's core interests such as sovereignty.

Sino-US competition has created two "middle grounds" in China's surrounding areas. One "middle ground" is the US Asia-Pacific alliance system. Some countries have already chosen sides politically, such as Australia; more countries are in a state of contradiction and anxiety, trying to avoid making a choice between China and the US.

The other "middle ground" is the Association of Southeast Asian Nations. China and the US are both trying to win the support of ASEAN. But ASEAN has made it clear that it does not want to choose sides between China and the US.Although ASEAN has accepted the "Indo-Pacific concept", it has not given up on balanced diplomacy and has worked hard to dilute the geopolitical color of the "Indo-Pacific Strategy".

In the context of the intensified Sino-US competition, the importance of ASEAN as a "middle ground" has become more prominent.

First, China should work with ASEAN to move forward the process of multipolarization and shape ASEAN as a regional "power center". Multipolarization still has strong vitality, and an international order that is based on comprehensive strength and with institutional power at the core may be formed in the future. It is of great significance to China's own development to actively promote the process of multipolarization and shape the regional order. China can also create more space for cooperation with ASEAN.

By providing a platform for cooperation among major countries, ASEAN has maximized its institutional power and made important contributions to buffering the competition among major countries. China should continue to support ASEAN centrality in the region and strive to shape ASEAN into a regional institutional power center to contain the US' strategic containment of China.

Second, deepen regional governance. Generally speaking, there are two main models for China to refer when it comes to regional governance: the regional integrated governance model and the governance model centered on issues. Despite their differences, the two models overlap and reinforce each other. For example, many East Asian integration cooperation frameworks have prioritized areas and topics of cooperation. The Shanghai Cooperation Organization－a model of governance centered on issues－has gradually given consideration to regional integration.

Regardless of the models, an obvious trend is that in the scenarios without the participation of the US, the effectiveness of regional governance is more significant, and the consensus and pursuit of common interests among regional countries can allow them to deal with their differences more rationally and calmly. Therefore, the "de-Americanization" of regional governance seems to deserve attention. On the economic front, China will continue to focus on mutually beneficial cooperation and continue to consolidate the role of economic ties as a ballast for China and ASEAN relations. In terms of security, it is important to plan and manage regional security hotspots from the perspective of regional crisis management, and form institutional arrangements and recognition of norms that are suitable to the region.

Third, the region should adhere to a cooperation path that is process-oriented and maintain the authority of the Asia-Pacific cooperation framework. Adhering to a path of cooperation that is process-oriented is an important experience that demonstrates the success of East Asian cooperation. Adhering to this path, the principles of gradualness, flexibility and consensus have played an important role in maintaining regional processes and easing competition among major countries. This year marks the 30th anniversary of the establishment of dialogue relations between China and ASEAN.Looking back at the past 30 years of cooperation, it is not difficult to find that the process is more important than the result. As an important strategic tool for the US to outcompete China, the "Indo-Pacific Strategy" has had a great impact on the "process-oriented "Asia-Pacific cooperation framework. The Asia-Pacific framework is facing the danger of becoming an "Indo-Pacific" one.

From this perspective, China and ASEAN should conduct closer communication and coordination, maintain the Asia-Pacific cooperation framework and its results with the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership as the core.

The author is director of the Institute of Asian Studies at China Foreign Affairs University. The author contributed this article to China Watch, a think tank powered by China Daily.

The views do not necessarily reflect those of China Daily.